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Posts Tagged ‘China’

withholding US military & intelligence cooperation is "one of the sticks" Obama’s men wielded in conversations with Netanyahu & Oren

March 17th, 2010 Arab News No comments


MEPGS: Excerpts:
As US officials appear to be backing away from a confrontation with Israel in the wake of Vice President Biden's controversial visit, there are more than a few bruised feelings on both sides. More important, it seems likely that the Israeli- US relationship is in for even tougher times in the weeks and months ahead. To begin with, it is clear that orders came from the top, no less than President Obama, that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu was to be confronted over the embarrassing decision......... The scolding delivered Secretary of State Clinton, over the phone to the Israeli Prime Minister and in person to Michael Oren, Israel's Ambassador to the US, was exceptional both in its tone and the scope of its demands. According to published reports, Clinton not only insisted that the Israelis find a way to insure that such an embarrassment never be allowed to take place again but added three new demands. First, the US wants assurances, the now delayed "proximity talks" transition to direct talks on all topics [Previously this was an Administration assumption]. Second, they said they wanted Israel to make a gesture to Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, who was already ambivalent about the value of these talks. Finally, and most controversial, Israel was to find a way to halt construction of the new housing units. According to informed sources, a short deadline was set for Israel to respond -- a deadline that has not been met. Moreover, the tone employed by Clinton outraged Israeli officials. Said one well-placed source, "They don't talk to [Venezuelan President Hugo] Chavez that way." As this drama was unfolding, a number of senior level Administration officials, including White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel were trying to calm the waters. Others, like CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus, were, in effect, adding fuel to the fire, when in Congressional testimony, he alluded to the lack of progress on Arab-Israeli talks causing additional problems for US military planners , already engaged in combat in the muslim world. Moreover, according to well-placed sources, withholding US military and intelligence cooperation is "one of the sticks" the Administration wielded in its conversations with Netanyahu and Oren.
Even if, as many observers believe, this imbroglio in contained, a number of key officials say it is only a matter of time before Israel and the US are once again at loggerheads, if not over the peace process then over a strategy for dealing with Iran. Part of the reason for Biden's visit to Israel and that of a number of other top civilian and military leaders there in recent weeks, is to make certain, in the words of one top US official "...that Israel is `on board'" with the American approach to handling Iran's headlong rush towards nuclear development. US officials candidly share political strategy with the Israelis regarding their approach to implementing new sanctions against Teheran at the UN and elsewhere [US officials have even gone so far as to try to enlist Israeli cooperation in fending off Congressional attempts to pass legislation penalizing foreign companies doing business with Iran. As one top US official puts it, "We know the Hill's intentions are good. Just the way they are going about it will upset our plans to work with other countries who will see their efforts as an attempt to impose `extraterritoriality' on them"]. The first goal is to get a new resolution from the Security Council. At latest count, eleven of the fifteen members have informally signed on. Brazil and Turkey continue to be a problem. Lebanon, with its dominant Iranian-backed militia, Hezbollah, is considered a lost cause. But the big prize remains China and its veto. So, far US officials have not given up hope on gaining China's acquiescence to a mild resolution but may well have to settle for an abstention. The importance of the UN vote lies in its acting as a catalyst for other nations, notably the European Union [EU] to impose a series of much stronger, if not exactly "crippling" sanctions on Iran. And the target will be the Revolutionary Guards, which according to some top US officials, now control more than one-third of the Iranian economy [The prospect of imposing sanctions on oil imports, upon which Iran, ironically is dependent because of its limited refining capacity, has been pretty much taken off of the table -- partly, say top US officials because of the difficulty of enforcing such a regime and according to others, because in could impose "undue" hardship on the average Iranian]. ........But with thousands of American troops destined to remain in next door Iraq
for the foreseeable future and thousands more going into battle
daily in Afghanistan, another Iranian neighbor, the last thing the US military, including Defense Secretary Gates, wants is a military confrontation with Iran. But if, as some experts argue, sanctions are doomed to failure, what are the other options? One US expert, close to Gates as well and National Security Advisor Jones, argues that it is time to jettison this "sanctions fantasy" and prepare to deal with a nuclear armed Iran. According to well-placed officials, this would mean a continued tightening of sanctions and eventual isolation of Iran from most of the world's commerce. However, opponents of this approach argue that should Israel get wind of "post nuclear planning" for Iran, Jerusalem would be sure to act unilaterally.. Already frustrated by a timetable that has slipped from last December to April for UN sanctions action [considered a good time with Japan as Security Council Chair for the month and preceding Lebanon's assumption of the role], it is clear that the Israelis are running out of patience. Moreover, intelligence sources believe that while the Israeli security establishment still is unsure of its ability to mount a highly effective attack on Iran proper, it has become increasingly confident of its ability to withstand and defeat any Iranian retaliation, notably a missile attack launched by Hezbollah on Israel's north.
A number of well-placed sources say that for Israel, 2010 is the year of decision. If by the end of the year, Iran has not started to retreat in the face of international pressure, then Israel will begin to seriously prepare for military action. As one top US official puts it, "Israel hasn't made the decision to act. But it has crossed the psychological barrier to act." If true, then today's tensions with Washington will seem quite modest. "

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China, Iran and the Saudis

March 14th, 2010 Arab News No comments

All illustrations on this post are actual Iranian postage stamps.On some level, the debate over sanctioning Iran appears to boil down to what China’s position will be — another sign of what one might call the slow but steady multi-polarization of Middle Eastern geopolitics. 

From Ben Simpfendorder’s New Silk Road blog:

China’s foreign policy is at an inflexion point. The country is emerging as a major power, but that will require tough choices.
The toughest choices are usually found in the Middle East. The region doesn’t like major powers sitting on the fence, and it’s only time before China will be forced to climb down.
It is Iran that will likely force a decision. China has so far maintained its policy of non-intervention?as one Beijing-based policy advisor said to me, “if we intervene in Iran, it would set a bad precedent for our relations with other countries”.
Fair enough. But so would a failure to intervene. It would suggest that China isn’t concerned about its other regional partners, especially Saudi Arabia. Let’s not forget. Iran might supply 13% of China’s oil supply, but Saudi Arabia supplies an even larger 20%.



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Saudis deny Gates’ remarks on Iran …

March 14th, 2010 Arab News No comments

AFP/ here

Saudi Arabia denied on Friday that its officials had discussed with US Defence Secretary Robert Gates putting pressure on China to back a new round of sanctions on Iran over its nuclear ambitions. An “official source” quoted by the official SPA news agency said reports that Riyadh said it was willing to use its influence to get Beijing to support UN sanctions aimed at convincing Iran to halt its atomic programme were false.

This issue is not true, it was not discussed during the visit of the secretary of defence who was in the kingdom recently,” the source was cited as saying….

Gates told reporters in Abu Dhabi that he felt the two Gulf countries are willing to use their economic leverage to persuade China to lift its opposition to sanctions. “I have the sense that there’s a willingness to do that,” he said in Abu Dhabi. The two oil-rich states were also open to lobbying Moscow on the issue, “although there’s less need with respect to Russia,” he said, as it was more supportive of sanctions. The focus was “mainly China,” he added…”

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“… an emasculated White House” that lacks “Mideast muscle”

March 13th, 2010 Arab News No comments

The Leveretts in the RFI/ here

Vice President Joseph Biden set out to massage U.S.-Israeli relations this week, but instead ran up against the reality of Israeli politics, manifested in the Netanyahu government’s announcement of the construction of 1,600 new homes in East Jerusalem. The result, as described by the normally rhetorically sober Financial Times, has been to expose “an emasculated White House” that lacks “Mideast muscle. This criticism is completely deserved, because Biden’s debacle in Israel is the fruit of the Obama Administration’s fatally flawed approach to the Middle East.

The first and most fundamental flaw in that approach is President Obama’s failure to pursue strategic realignment with the Islamic Republic of Iran with the kind of strategic focus and political determination with which President Nixon pursued strategic realignment with the People’s Republic of China in the early 1970s. By allowing the Iran issue to drift, President Obama has given Prime Minister Netanyahu an ideal excuse for not acceding to effective American mediation on the Palestinian issue. “How can Washington ask me to take both strategic and domestic political risks on the Palestinian issue,” Netanyahu can ask rhetorically, “when I have to marshal every bit of the Israeli government’s bureaucratic and national security capacity and my own political capital to deal with the Iran issue?”

Furthermore, the Obama Administration’s current default policy for dealing with Iran—namely, to pursue further sanctions and work to forge a regional coalition to “contain” Iran—will do nothing to resolve the Iran problem. This only reinforces Netanyahu’s excuse for pursuing policies toward the Palestinians that are deeply damaging to whatever prospects might still remain for a two-state solution and, by extension, to America’s strategic position in the region. As we wrote in a New York Times Op Ed in May 2009 (and were criticized in some quarters for being too critical of the Obama Administration too early in its tenure):

“President Obama and his team should not be excused for their failure to learn the lessons of recent history in the Middle East—that the prospect of strategic cooperation with Israel is profoundly unpopular with Arab publics and that even moderate Arab regimes cannot sustain such cooperation. The notion of an Israeli-moderate Arab coalition is not only delusional, it would leave the Palestinian and Syrian-Lebanese tracks of the Arab-Israeli conflict unresolved and prospects for their resolution in free fall.”

And that is exactly where prospects for resolution of the Palestinian and Syrian-Lebanese tracks are today—in free fall. As we noted in our May 2009 Op Ed, “These tracks cannot be resolved without meaningful American interaction with Iran and its regional allies, HAMAS and Hezbollah”. Beyond the failure to deal in a genuinely strategic way with Iran, the second fundamental flaw in the Obama Administration’s approach to the Middle East is a failure to define any appreciable limits for Israeli actions. This is particularly devastating on the Palestinian track.

As we wrote in an article, “A Roadmap to Nowhere: Obama’s Refusal to dub Israeli settlements illegal is undermining any hope of Middle East peace”, that we published on ForeignPolicy.com in July, President Obama missed a critical opportunity in his June 2009 Cairo speech to take U.S. policy on Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territory back to what is was under the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, when U.S. policy actually achieved meaningful progress towards a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict—namely, a clear-cut stance the such settlements were illegal, in that the settlement of Israeli civilians in occupied territory violates the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Instead, Obama stuck with the same tired and useless stance that has enabled Israel to expand settlements in occupied Palestinian territories by orders of magnitude over the past quarter century;in Cairo, Obama said only that “the United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements”. When the Washington Post’s Glenn Kessler asked the State Department to clarify whether Obama’s rejection of the “legitimacy” of continued Israei settlements meant that the U.S. government considered settlement activity in itself to be a violation of international law, the State Department repeatedly declined to answer…..

And that is precisely what is happening today. In addition to the 1,600 East Jerusalem housing units announced by the Netanyahu government in conjunction with Biden’s visit, Haaretz reports that “some 50,000 new housing units in Jerusalem neighborhoods beyond the Green Line are in various stages of planning and approval”.

But bad strategy on Iran and Arab-Israeli issues, in and of itself, does not account for descriptions of the Obama Administration as “emasculated”. For that, we must consider the third flaw in President Obama’s approach to the Middle East—his determined position to enable Israel to act without cost or consequence, no matter how damaging its actions might be to regional peace prospects and America’s own strategic interests. Writing in POLITICO today, Laura Rozen reports that people who heard what Biden said to Israeli officials behind closed doors “were ‘stunned’, the centrist Israeli daily newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported. ‘This is starting to get dangerous for us’, Biden castigated his interlocutors. ‘What you’re doing here undermines the security of our troops who are fighting in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. That endangers us, and it endangers regional peace.’”

One hopes that Biden did indeed use those words. But what do such behind closed-doors words mean, really, if they are not backed up by a willingness to withhold some part of America’s aid to Israel over behavior that, as Biden reportedly said, puts the lives of American soldiers at risk? What do those fine words mean if they are not backed up by a willingness to let Israel begin appreciating the consequences of such behavior in the United Nations Security Council? What do those words mean if President Obama does not inform Prime Minister Netanyahu that he is prepared to use those words himself, addressed to the American public, if Israel does not reverse course on the settlements issue? …”

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WHY SAUDI ARABIA DOES NOT SUPPORT A STRIKE ON IRAN

March 8th, 2010 Arab News No comments
Jean-François Seznec is currently Visiting Associate Professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, writes this for the RFI/here

“…… It seems that, in fact, the Saudis are more worried about potential U.S. military action against Iran than they are about the Iranians’ ability actually to obtain nuclear weapons. The Saudis may not express this view clearly enough to change views on Capitol Hill, but the U.S. executive branch is probably quite aware of Saudi worries about the prospect of U.S. military intervention in Iran.

In a nutshell, and to paraphrase Talleyrand, U.S. military action in Iran would be more than a crime—it would be a mistake or, more precisely, a series of mistakes, which would quite rapidly lead to the United States losing its influence in the world. The economic “blowback” from any U.S. military action against Iran would be enormous, causing great harm to the United States. …..

On the economic front, a U.S. attack on Iran would lead to a major increase in oil prices, whether the Straits of Hormuz get blocked or not. If only Iranian exports were taken off line, prices could still reach $150 per barrel, as 3 million barrels per day would be removed from the market and insurance premiums would reach the levels seen during the “tanker war” of the early 1980s. If the Straits were blocked for some time, prices could go above $200 per barrel, as 16 million barrels per day in exports from the Gulf as a whole would have to find new ways to get to international markets……

Although, as I will discuss in greater detail below, Saudi Arabia would see a dramatic increase in its oil export revenues in such a scenario, the Saudis are nonetheless opposed to U.S. military action against Iran because, in their view, it could unleash complete havoc in the region. In response to an attack, Iran would undoubtedly promote violent unrest among Shi’a populations in Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Yemen [if they have not started to do so there already among the Houthis], Lebanon, and even in Saudi Arabia itself. Qatar’s LNG trains would make a perfect target for Iranian missiles. The extensive U.S. Navy base in Bahrain also would be an easy target for Iranian missiles, followed by mass upheavals in the country, pitting the royal family against unhappy and disaffected elements in Bahrain’s Shi’a-majority population. U.S. military action against Iran would certainly strengthen the hands of Sunni extremists, even if it implied a temporary alliance between Iran and Al-Qa’ida-type groups. Furthermore, an attack would lead to substantial flight of the private capital now developing the region. The economic boom on the Arab side of the Persian Gulf would come to an end, and mass unemployment, unhappy foreign workers, large-scale bankruptcies would lead to the end of the world as it is known today in the region. ….

…. the United States—the world’s largest importer of oil at over 12 million barrels per day—would see the cost of its oil imports increase by $350 billion per year, which would almost certainly throw the American economy into a deep recession. For their part, the Saudis would see a transfer of wealth to them to the tune of an extra $180 billion per year. With their great potential for internal economic growth, China and India could “pick up the pieces” and become the main international economic partners and interlocutors to the Gulf countries, marginalizing the United States and dramatically reducing American influence in this critical region.

The Saudis could also retaliate through international financial markets. Currently, the Kingdom holds close to $500 billion in short term U.S. government paper. The Saudis do not invest in stocks or long-term corporate bonds in the United States, or anywhere else in the world. Should they want to show disapproval of U.S. actions, they could decide to sell some or all of their holdings in U.S. assets. It is unlikely that the Saudis would do so in a sudden and precipitous fashion, as that would hurt the value of their holdings. However, they could start by limiting their purchases of U.S. government paper and then slowly decrease their outstanding portfolio in the United States—just like China is beginning to do….

Saudi Arabia may not clearly articulate what its policy is vis-à-vis Iran. Indeed, their simultaneous complaints about Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons program and warnings that the United States should not attack Iran are somewhat baffling. However, Saudi Arabia’s real policy toward Iran may be a policy that can only work if it is not stated clearly. Given Saudi views of the current Iranian political order, the Saudi leadership may be counting on the Islamic Republic’s economic failures and corruption to weaken Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s regime to the point of complete ineffectiveness. The Saudis see an Iranian elite that is siphoning billions of dollars to Dubai every year. They see Iran’s inability to complete any of its energy investments, whether refineries, gas fields, oil fields, or ambitious petrochemical plants. They see the enormous waste in subsidies to the population. They see that access to the Western technology essential for the large-scale development of Iran’s energy resources is being sacrificed by the Islamic Republic on the altar of locally-grown nuclear technology. In other words, the Saudis may have concluded that the Iranians are their own worst enemies and will not be able to create a credible nuclear deterrent without at the same time making themselves irrelevant on the world stage—in effect, a Middle Eastern North Korea.

From this perspective, pushing Iran militarily would only make the current political order there stronger. Sanctions are not likely to work and could make the government more popular. So, Saudi policy may be to do nothing and let the Islamic Republic crumble upon itself. Of course, the Saudis may be willing to take steps to exacerbate Iranian economic weakness here and there. But the Kingdom is not about to support anything like full-scale sanctions, where Saudi fingerprints would be readily visible.

In conclusion, from a Saudi—and Gulf Arab—standpoint, a U.S. attack on Iran would fulfill Talleyrand’s ditty; it would be a real mistake. From an American point of view, military action against Iran by the United States—or even by Israel—would irreparably damage American interests and presence in the Gulf. It would also weaken dramatically the U.S. economy and America’s international financial standing—a critical element in American power since the end of World War II.”

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"We will find ways to do more with them,… "

March 7th, 2010 Arab News No comments

Ignatius in the WaPo/ here

The cynical (and usually correct) critique of economic sanctions was summed up this way by a retired U.S. diplomat named Douglas Paal: “Sanctions always accomplish their principal objective, which is to make those who impose them feel good.” The Obama administration is struggling to craft a new round of U.N. sanctions against Iran that achieves more than this feel-good impact. The ambitious goal is “to cut off the revenues that fund Iran’s nuclear and missile programs,” says a senior administration official.
“We are going to put as tight a squeeze on Iran as we possibly can,” adds a diplomat from one of the members of the U.S.-led coalition that is beginning to discuss a new sanctions resolution at the U.N Security Council. The resolution will target the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its vast network of companies, which the United States estimates may include up to one-third of Iran’s total economy…..
China is vulnerable to Iranian oil pressure because it imports about 540,000 barrels per day from Iran. So the Saudis and Emiratis have been assuring Beijing that they would be prepared to offset any shortfall in Iranian crude shipments…..
Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, traveled to China late last week to enlist its support against Iran. The Saudi message to Beijing, according to one U.S. official, is: “If you don’t help us against Iran, you will see a less stable and dependable Middle East.”…..
The campaign against Iran was the central topic during a recent visit to Washington by the UAE’s foreign minister, Sheik Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan. He urged administration officials to include Iran’s vulnerable neighbors in the Gulf Cooperation Council — Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman and others — in their planning for dealing with Iran. “We will find ways to do more with them,” said the senior administration official.

The trick for the Obama administration is to craft a sanctions plan that hurts the Iranian government without causing too much pain for the Iranian people. That’s one reason the administration is wary of a congressional proposal for sanctions against Iran’s imports of refined petroleum products — a step that would probably harm the public more than the regime.
Officials talk about “targeted” sanctions that focus on the Revolutionary Guard Corps and its military-industrial complex of companies. But this effort is the diplomatic equivalent of “precision bombing” — in practice, some collateral damage is inevitable, which could help President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad rally support for his hard-line government.
What’s certain is that the Iranian nuclear issue is heading into a more intense phase of confrontation — starting with the push for tougher U.N. sanctions. The Gulf countries have been asking what the administration plans to do if the sanctions don’t work: That’s the big foreign policy question of 2010, and Washington is beginning now to think about the answer.

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Chinese firm to drill oil fields in Persian Gulf

March 7th, 2010 Arab News No comments

Tehran, March 7 (IANS) Iran and China have signed a $143 million-deal which will allow a Chinese firm to drill oil and natural gas fields in the Persian Gulf.
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How Iran acquired the C-802 Cruise Missiles …

March 6th, 2010 Arab News No comments

Via Laura Rosen, in DCbureau/ here

Scores are still being settled from the Iran Iraq War in the 1980s….After transferring to another, smaller helicopter, used to find targets for Iraqi artillery, I got a closer view of how poison gas and every other lethal tool available to Saddam Hussein – all with American approval – were being employed. Hussein’s U.S.-provided arms supplier, Sarkis Soghanalian, had done his job well. As I landed in an abandoned schoolyard at the front a few miles from al-Qurna, where the Garden of Eden supposedly once existed, and crossed by flatboat in the canals Saddam’s army had dug to flood the marshes, I witnessed the endless line of corpses of very old men and adolescents, some children, in tattered Iranian uniforms. The Iranian Mullahs’ defense of the 1979 Revolution and Saddam’s invasion ended festering in Iraqi mud. A million people died in the Iran Iraq War. Almost no one in the United States paid any attention.
More than two decades and two Gulf Wars later, the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel face the same Hobson’s choice – this time with an insular and defensive Iran. By removing Saddam Hussein, we created a more powerful and ambitious Iran…..
While the Obama administration prepares for a military conflict with Iran, it is important for us to understand some of the secret history between Iran and the United States that complicates the planning and unnecessarily puts our soldiers and sailors in harm’s way. What follows is one story about how that happened.
Iran has been preparing for an attack since 1988, after a U.S. Navy ship, the USS Vincennes, illegally operating inside Iran’s territorial waters, accidentally shot down Iran Air Flight 655. After the shoot down, the Iranian leadership began a weapons buying spree to counter the threat posed by the powerful American fleet in the Persian Gulf that threatened them and could attack at will.
Sometimes reporters end up in the middle of a story. That is what happened to me. I was in France in June 1997 to attend the Paris Air Show. One of my sources, arms dealer Sarkis Soghanalian, had shifted his operations to Paris after being sent to jail by the George H.W. Bush administration for doing the United States’ bidding in Iraq and serving as the Reagan administration’s arms dealer of choice to Saddam Hussein. He was released after helping the Clinton administration combat Hezbollah’s counterfeiting operations in Lebanon.
…….Soghanalian introduced me to M. Ping, the CPMEIC representative, who was, in fact, a Chinese intelligence official. …… Ping ignored his host’s awkward lie and, instead, talked business with Soghanalian……..
Ping enthusiastically described the new missiles he wanted Soghanalian to peddle. The missiles were cheap ($60,000) and so were the launch and support equipment. The missiles were as good as any in the U.S. arsenal and could be equipped with nuclear, chemical, biological or conventional warheads. Ping told Soghanalian that components for hundreds of the missiles had been shipped to Iran and, within weeks, would be operational against all shipping in the Gulf. The Chinese wanted Soghanalian to sell the systems throughout the world. (This meeting took place after China had promised the Clinton administration that it would cease construction of these systems.)……
I followed Soghanalian and Ping out, raced to my hotel the Mermoz, and called a U.S. weapons expert who was a longtime source. I asked him, “How many C-802s does the U.S. think Iran has?” The source called back a few minutes later with the answer: “Less than a dozen.” I told him that the Chinese had told Soghanalian, in my presence, that China had shipped key parts for just under 200 missiles. There was silence at the other end of the phone. My source asked: “Can you leave Paris for Washington?” I said that I had another few days of work.
Late that night I received a call from the front desk with a message to meet Veronique at a café around the corner from the Israeli Embassy in Paris. Over a drink, she handed me Ping’s file and said: “The French are involved in this missile deal. You need to be very careful. They are China’s hidden partner.
…….. I asked one CIA official what the United States knew about the C-802. The answer was not reassuring: “The U.S. doesn’t have one. We don’t know how to defend [against] it.”
I returned to Paris, armed with details of everything the government then knew about the C-802, which was not much. Over the next five days, I would learn that in the early 1980s Sarkis had arranged for Iraq to use the U.S. Army’s supercomputers at Aberdeen, Maryland to redesign its Scud missiles. …….Information from that project, along with other sensitive material, was now in the hands of the Chinese and had gone into the improved C-802…….
“This missile you expressed concern about is worse than you know,” Sarkis said. “The Chinese have put a greater range on it than they have claimed. They are getting over-horizon capability for the weapon. . . . I am in a bad position here. I have to do what I am doing. There are things I can’t tell you, but tell the Navy that I can still get them an 802 through Jordan. All I need is the cost. $60,000. They can take it apart, study it, and then I will deliver it to the king.”
Independently, I obtained documents from sources in and out of the United States that indicated that the DOD and CIA had little knowledge of the C-802’s design. With this information I began to put together a picture of what had happened.
Not long after the Vincennes incident in 1988, the Iranian Revolutionary Council turned to terrorism through Libya and Hezbollah for retaliation. Simultaneously, they began to explore ways to increase Iranian defenses against U.S. ships. The first efforts included increased purchases of advanced Chinese Silkworm missiles.
China proposed to Iran that they enter into a contract for a new defense, an anti-ship cruise missile. I was not surprised that China and Iran, both embargoed countries, would work together on such a project. But two components for the missile involved technologies beyond China’s capability. A more technologically advanced nation had to be recruited to obtain these crucial elements. That nation was France. Message traffic intercepted by the United States and Britain through the ECHELON eavesdropping system proved that China began working with France in the late 1980s to supply parts for Chinese weapons systems. Subsequently, French companies agreed to supply precision parts that China could not produce on its own. China also enjoyed a relationship with Israel that gave both countries great advantages in weapons development. After Beijing crushed the pro-democracy movement in 1989, the United States and Europe embargoed arms shipments and technology to China. France ignored the embargo. So did Israel.
Israel and Iraq had two things in common. Both had a close relationship with China and both had exclusive access to the U.S. Army Laboratory at Aderdeen, home to our main weapons supercomputers at the time. Because China was working closely with the Iraqis (and Gerald Bull who had close connections to the laboratory), technology from the lab got into the hands of the Chinese.
By 2001 the Chinese had stopped shipping C-802s to Iran, but Iran had, by then, reversed engineered the missile and was successfully building a much more advanced version than China had in its own arsenal. ….. that kind of maneuverability that makes the C-802 so difficult to defend against, according to Navy weapons experts.
I learned that the Iranians felt cheated by the Chinese on the C-802 deal and had hired a notorious Syrian arms dealer to represent them against the Chinese. I obtained the official CIA biography of the arms dealer Monzer al-Kassar, who had been brought into the deal before Soghanalian. French intelligence, distrustful of al-Kassar, instructed Soghanalian to work with the Chinese after their falling out with Iran…..
A few days later Soghanalian called me back and said the Yemeni authorities said “the explosives used were a warhead from a C-802 missile.” The C-802 can be launched from patrol boats, trucks or helicopters. Soghanalian insisted the explosives the terrorists detonated against the hull of the USS Cole were not, as widely believed, some bundled plastic explosives but a C-802 warhead.
It seemed unlikely to me that Iran would sell such a valuable asset so easily traced back to them to Al Qaeda. Sarkis insisted the “Iranians are not that stupid and neither are the Chinese.” I asked him who had access to a C-802 warhead with ties to Al Qaeda. “The Israelis and French think it is Monzer.” Soghanalian said al-Kassar “has a history of selling to Hezbollah and other terrorist groups, especially in Latin America.” I called al-Kassar in Marbella, Spain, and asked him for an interview about his work on the C-802. He refused to talk to me and said, “I do not discuss customer business.” One of his best customers had close relations with Iran and Hezbollah…”

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Lula da Silva to Clinton: "… It is not prudent to push Iran against a wall…"

March 4th, 2010 Arab News No comments

Laura Rosen/ here

Hours before meeting with Hillary Clinton today, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said that Brazil would not “bow down” to international pressure to agree to new UN sanctions on Iran.

“It is not prudent to push Iran against a wall,” Silva told journalists today, according to the AP. “The prudent thing is to establish negotiations.”

“The door is open for negotiations,” Clinton later told a news conference. “But we don’t see anybody, even in the far-off distance, walking toward it.”

Brazil is currently a non-permament member of the UN Security Council. Clinton is traveling there as part of a Latin American tour to try to get Brazil’s agreement to sign off on a new UN Security Council resolution on Iran as early as next month. But it’s a particularly tough 15 member Security Council, with key current non-permament members such as Brazil and Turkey not certain to support such a resolution, Lebanon likely to vote against it, and at least one permament member, China, also reluctant. Three past UN Security Council resolutions on Iran passed overwhelmingly, with no “no” votes and only a few abstentions.

Lula is due to travel to Iran in May.

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China firm on Iran nuclear talks

March 2nd, 2010 Arab News No comments

China calls for talks on Iran’s nuclear programme, as US diplomats arrive seeking support for new sanctions on Tehran.
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